Operation Talla was an unlawful and unconstitutional assault on the British people – and ordinary police officers – by the UK state. It was the kind of oppressive secret policing that we usually associate with historical regimes like the East German Stasi, Iain David writes.
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Overview
Operation Talla
Operation Talla was the UK-wide police coordination effort established in response to the covid-19 pandemic, led and managed through the National Police Chiefs’ Council (“NPCC”) to provide strategic oversight, operational guidance, and logistical support for all UK police forces during the public health emergency.
It was designed to ensure consistent and lawful enforcement of public health legislation and lockdown rules, while also supporting vulnerable communities and protecting NHS sites, vaccine distribution centres and public health workers.
Operation Talla was instrumental in coordinating covid-related policing activities across the UK, including monitoring and enforcing restrictions such as social distancing, quarantine and mask mandates. It also managed responses to anti-lockdown and anti-vaccine protests, coordinated the distribution of personal protective equipment (“PPE”), and supported the NHS during the crisis.
Operation Talla also had significant implications beyond policing. It influenced how regulatory bodies such as the General Medical Council (“GMC”) and the Medical Practitioners Tribunal Service (“MPTS”) operated during the pandemic, particularly in cases involving doctors who expressed dissenting views on government or NHS policy.
Read more: UK Police Operation Talla, UK Regulators and how dissenting voices were silenced, Ethical Approach, 23 June 2025
The Chief Constable of Police Scotland approved the stand down of Operation Talla structures in June 2022, following the lifting of the final coronavirus restrictions.
In Scotland, a coronavirus intervention system (called CVI) was used to log interactions, and a directive from January 2022 instructed officers not to accept certain public reports about the vaccine programme, instead routing them through intelligence systems. This practice raised concerns about the suppression of legitimate crime reports and compliance with the Criminal Procedure and Investigations Act (“CPIA”).
Despite its formal conclusion, evidence suggests that some directives from Operation Talla, particularly those related to reporting and data logging, may still be in effect in 2025, prompting calls for police staff to verify current orders and ensure compliance with crime-recording standards and the College of Policing Code of Ethics.
Further resources:
- COVID-19 (Operation Talla), Essex Police, 30 March 2020
- Organisational Learning – Operation Unicorn/ Operation Talla, Scottish Police Authority, 21 June 2023
- Operation Talla: What every police employee should know, Ethical Approach
CRN 6029679/21
On 20 December 2021, a complaint was formally lodged with the Metropolitan Police (London and Greater London) at Hammersmith Police Station, London.
The criminal complaint, which was given the crime reference number CRN 6029679/21, claimed Government ministers, medical regulators, scientists and the media were grossly negligent over the covid measures, including the safety of the new mRNA injections, the validity of drug trials and the effects of lockdown. The complaint included more than 400 witness statements from world-renowned scientists, doctors and covid injection victims.
This report was not the only report made to the police about suspected covid crimes.
In the video below, Mark Sexton summarised responses to Freedom of Information Act requests received. The summary was generated using an AI programme. We presume the requests asked for the number of police reports marked for the attention of Operation Norden and Operation Talla using the System for Incident Data (“SID”) and Central Vulnerability Index (“CVI”) computer systems (for example, see THIS FOI).
According to the AI summary, Sexton said, during the period 1 December 2021 to 31 March 2022, UK-wide 5,000-10,000 CVI reports were rejected by the police and more than 1,200 SID entries and 800 CVI entries were submitted to Operation Teller in Scotland as non-crimes.
The AI summary also showed that over 15,000 yellow card entries were ignored and routed to a mailbox, while there are over 100,000 pages of evidence, including 2,500 autopsy reports showing spike protein persistence 3+ years post vaccination and epidemiological data of excess deaths increasing by 20% in vaccinated people between 2021 and 2025.
Unfortunately, Sexton did not share details about which AI programme was used to summarise the information or a link to the AI summary, which would more than likely provide the specific sources for its summary. It’s important to check all critical information from AI summaries back to specific sources because we know that AI programmes are frequently biased, inaccurate and are prone to what the industry calls “hallucinations.” AI summaries offer a starting point for an investigation, rather than facts.
Regardless of the actual number of reports from the public that were rejected or dismissed by police, even if there was only one, the police have a duty to investigate it. But they didn’t.
Ethical Approach demonstrated in a paper dated 1 December 2025 that the police showed no independent professional curiosity in determining whether serious criminal offences had been committed. “Instead, the only consistent tactic was to shut every report down and prevent crime numbers from being issued.”
Ethical Approach’s paper continued:
The abruptly closed Metropolitan Police case, Crime Reference Number 6029679/21, became the template across all four nations, used to justify the blanket rejection of every similar crime allegation submitted within respective policing jurisdictions.
Despite thousands of people submitting detailed evidence of serious criminal conduct in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, a nationwide ban was imposed, preventing these matters from being investigated at all. There are compelling indications that this ban remains in effect, even today.
In the essay below, Iain Davis explains why the police shut down all covid-related reports. In a few words, the unlawful and unconstitutional Operation Talla turned the UK into a police state.
Related:
- CRN 6029679/21 on The Exposé
- Mark Sexton on The Exposé
- FOI requests submitted for Operation Talla, What Do They Know
- Operation Talla: UK Gold Command and the National Police Chiefs’ Council Nationwide Order: ‘Do not Accept Evidence of Covid or Vaccine Harms’, World Council for Health, 1 December 2025
Operation Talla – Unconstitutional and Unlawful
By Iain Davis, 7 January 2025
Table of Contents
- Introduction
- Covid Injections and State Crimes
- State Cover-Up
- State Acts Unconstitutionally and Unlawfully
- Operation Talla Established for Covid but Before Covid
- The Speirs Directive
- Contradictory Evidence
- Operation Talla Was Not A Police-Led Initiative
- The Police and the Government Are Not Above the Law
- About the Author
Introduction
On the 20th December 2021, a group of concerned citizens presented evidence to the Metropolitan Police Service (“MPS”) alleging “serious indictable offences arising from the manufacture, promotion, and administration of the covid-19 vaccines.” As a consequence of Operation Talla, those allegations were not investigated by the MPS. Many similar allegations submitted to other police forces around the country were not investigated either, for the same reason.
The evidence given to the police, in December 2021, comprised more than 400 victim, witness, qualified expert and industry whistle-blower statements. The evidence provided included detailed scientific analyses and multiple documentary exhibits.
The concerned citizens were given the Crime Reference Number CRN-6029679/21 by the Metropolitan Police. Upon issuing the CRN, the police were duty-bound to investigate the allegation of criminality.
The police have to take any reported crime “seriously.” The police must conduct an impartial preliminary criminal investigation to establish if there are any possible “further lines of enquiry.” Following this process, the police may decide that “they are unable to take any further action,” but they have to investigate the allegation first.
The police act under the Criminal Procedure and Investigations Act 1996 [CPIA]. Their CPIA code of practice clearly states:
[A] criminal investigation is an investigation conducted by police officers with a view to it being ascertained whether a person should be charged with an offence, or whether a person charged with an offence is guilty of it. This will include [. . .] investigations whose purpose is to ascertain whether a crime has been committed, with a view to the possible institution of criminal proceedings.
The word “investigate” means to try to find out the facts – in this case, appertaining to an allegation of widespread, institutional criminality. The police’s “criminal investigation” must include, but is not limited to, seeking to get more information relevant to the allegation. The word “proceedings,” in this context, refers to the court proceedings that may spring from the police’s initial “criminal investigation.”
Therefore, in order to investigate the allegations of systematic institutional criminality relating to the government’s vaccine rollout and its covid-19 policy response, the police had a legal and a lawful duty to try to get more information from some, if not all, of the more than 400 alleged victims, witnesses, qualified experts and whistle-blowers.
So far, due to orders received under Operation Talla, the UK police has not contacted any of them and, according merely to police assertions, no “criminal investigation” has been undertaken.
Covid Injections and State Crimes
In retrospect, while many expressed doubts at the time, we now all know that the injections were neither safe nor effective. The evidence clearly shows that countless lives have been ruined and many lives have been lost as a direct result of the injections — the so-called “vaccines.”
These injections were injected into people across the nation to allegedly combat an illness that had “low mortality” and was not, therefore, designated by the scientific establishments and the UK health authorities as a “High Consequence Infectious Disease” (“HCID”). The injections had not completed clinical trials and were issued under emergency authorisation, absent any formal risk assessment. There were, quite obviously, foreseeable serious consequences for public health presented by the injections.
The British public was not told this information and could not, therefore, give their informed consent to be “vaccinated.” The apparent withholding of these facts from the vaccinated – among many more medical and scientific reasons for reservation – suggested that a number of extremely serious State Crimes Against Democracy (“SCADs”) were possibly committed.
Such SCADs could include “false representation,” a crime under s.2 of the Fraud Act 2006; a “failure to disclose information,” in contravention of s.3 of the Fraud Act 2006, misconduct in public office, gross negligence manslaughter, corporate manslaughter, and more. The first, but not the only, formal report of these suspected SCADs to the police was CRN-6029679/21. Safe to say, the Metropolitan Police had a very large investigation on their hands just to establish if “further lines of enquiry” were warranted.
Having issued the CRN, in accordance with the CPIA, the police were required to undertake a “criminal investigation” to “ascertain whether a crime has been committed.” They evidently did not.
British people’s lives potentially could have been protected or saved had the police fulfilled their statutory obligations under the CPIA. The evidence overwhelmingly indicates that the police did not adhere to the CPIA because, apparently at the highest government level, they were ordered to ignore it.
State Cover-Up
Between the submission of the evidence relating to CRN-6029679/21 and the summer of 2022, the concerned citizens who submitted the evidence, and their equally concerned supporters, had a well-grounded expectation that a full criminal police investigation would be conducted. Therefore, with a moral and entirely lawful purpose, they campaigned against the “vaccine” rollout on that basis and tried to alert their fellow citizens to their justifiable and lawful concerns.
This opened the door for the state’s official “gatekeepers of information and news”-the mainstream [more accurately corporate or legacy] media (“MSM”) – to perform their role as state propagandists. We’ll use the comically misnamed “The Independent” newspaper by way of typical example.
Fiercely attacking the campaigners by othering them as “anti-vaxxers,” The Independent alleged, without a shred of justifications, that the campaigners were “falsely claiming crimes are being committed.” A claim which the so-called journalist who wrote this propagandist junk could not possibly substantiate.
Utterly contradicting itself, The Independent reported that officers were “reviewing the documents” and that the police “assessment continues.” Yet somehow, the propagandists managed to spin this to falsely assert that campaigners’ allegations of criminality were conclusively false.
The primary goal of the MSM propaganda was to convince the unsuspecting British people that there was “nothing to see here.” Thus, deceiving them into taking unnecessary, untested, evidently dangerous experimental drugs, as unlawfully demanded by the state.
By asserting without cause that the campaigners’ activities were unjustified and were organised using social media, the secondary objective was to provide some sort of spurious rationale for the rollout of censorship legislation in the UK. This has now duly arrived in the form of the Online Safety Act (“OSA”).
State Acts Unconstitutionally and Unlawfully
As it began to dawn on the concerned British citizens that their formal submission of a huge body of evidence to the police – indicating suspected state crimes – was not being properly investigated, they started to try to figure out what was going on.
Led by Ian Clayton, assisted by Mark Sexton, Moira Brown and others, what they discovered is perhaps the clearest and most damning evidence of state crimes we, the British people, have ever had in our possession. It factually establishes that the UK state acted unconstitutionally and unlawfully.
Operation Talla proves that we are actually oppressed by Establishment diktat and that we are not ruled – as falsely and deceptively claimed by the UK government – under the constitutional rule of law.
It doesn’t matter whether you think the original concerns about the injections were warranted or not. The established fact is that a significant number of British people reported serious allegations of institutional criminality to the police and officers were ordered by their commanders not to investigate those allegations.
Those orders were issued by the Operation Talla strategic command structure.
Operation Talla Established for Covid but Before Covid
The UN’s World Health Organisation declared an alleged global pandemic on 11 March 2020. By then, the Operation Talla command system had already been established.
According to the National Police Chief’s Council (“NPCC”), Operation Talla was a strategic command initiative that covered the “entire UK police service.”
While preparations for possible emergencies are sensible, it is nonetheless notable that the NPCC claims Operation Talla was launched “in response to a critical incident unlike any other in living memory.” It appears, however, that Operation Talla went live months before that “critical incident” purportedly occurring.
The NPCC adds:
The objectives of Operation Talla sought to preserve life, maintain law and order, and prevent crime; all while maintaining the core policing service during a period of uncertainty, and; assisting colleagues in the NHS as they fought the worst effects of this pandemic.
This is a wholly disingenuous statement. By denying the investigation of suspected criminality, Operation Talla put lives at unnecessary risk, eschewed any concept of law and order, transformed the core policing service into the unlawful enforcers of oppression, and heaped further and avoidable burdens on the NHS.
The Speirs Directive
Realising what was happening, the concerned researchers sent Freedom of Information (“FOI”) requests to police services across the UK. While most refused to comply or stymied these lawful and legal requests, eventually Police Scotland provided a directive from Assistant Chief Constable (“ACC”) Alan Speirs.
Subsequent FOIs confirmed that ACC Speirs issued his directive to fellow officers “on the advice of the National Police Chiefs’ Council and the UK Gold Command.” That “UK Gold Command” structure manifested as Operation Talla.
In his Directive, Speirs alleged that emergency service workers, or staff and volunteers at vaccination centres had been intimidated, harassed or assaulted by campaigners. There doesn’t appear to be much, if any, evidence to support this claim.
David Stewart and Jessica Colins, who in good humour took to wearing very silly, pretend police uniforms – complete with flashing blue lights on top of their obviously joke police helmets – attended protests at vaccine centres and elsewhere. Farcically, they were convicted and fined for impersonating police officers. There are no specific details on any other convictions for harassment or assault, or any other criminal offences, directly related to any of the protests at any vaccine centre.
During lawful civil protests – especially when anger and despair is running high – there is always the chance that some people might stray into committing unlawful acts. This is why, as reported by The Independent, the peaceable and lawful concerned citizens stressed the need for their fellow campaigners to be polite, be respectful, be calm and never abuse anyone or even use bad language.
It certainly was not the conduct of the vaccination centre protesters that should cause anyone in the UK any alarm. The same cannot be said for Operation Talla.
The Speirs Directive, dated 25 January 2022, revealed some jaw-dropping information:
[We are] aware of individuals attending at police stations or calling police to [. . .] report what they believe to be criminal offences. [. . .] The Metropolitan Police Service [MPS] received a complaint and a number of documents on 20 December 2021.
The first thing to note is that this was not a “complaint.” It was an allegation of extremely serious criminal offenses backed up by a wealth of evidence. In compliance with the CPIA, the allegations necessitated that the police conduct a “criminal investigation.”
The Speirs Directive continued:
The MPS provided the complainers with a crime reference number [CRN-6029679/21] and is reviewing the content of the documents. However, the MPS has been clear that nothing has been found to suggest any offences or grounds for an investigation, and that no such investigation is taking place.
None of the hundreds of people who submitted evidence had been contacted by the MPS. Instead, the MPS was seemingly restricting itself to merely “reviewing” the documentary exhibits.
Despite the volume of statements, scientific and documentary evidence provided – triggering a “criminal investigation” just to decide if further action was warranted – Spiers appeared to confirm that “no such investigation” had been undertaken. Speirs then spelled out why the CPIA was evidently ignored:
The National Police Chiefs’ Council [NPCC] has also said that it does not believe any of the papers which have been “served” to date have any legal standing [this referred to campaigners serving what they thought to be legal notices to people at vaccine centres]. Should any officer or member of staff be approached or contacted by people requesting assistance in line with any of the above, then these requests should be rejected. [Emphasis added]
Absent a proper, impartial “criminal investigation,” what the police believes, thinks or imagines a situation to be is completely irrelevant. It is not within the jurisdiction of the NPCC or the police to arbitrarily pronounce that documents served have no “legal standing.” Only if the evidence uncovered by a police investigation is subsequently judged by the courts to prove that the papers have no “legal standing” does that become a legal, and lawful, fact.
In the context of Operation Talla and the Spiers Directive, consider what Speirs’ orders regarding “any of the above” mean.
CRN-6029679/21 had been drawn to the attention of the NPCC and the UK Gold Command Structure embodied within Operation Talla. As Operation Talla held command across the “entire UK police service,” and seeing as Speirs was acting under advice from Operation Talla Gold Command, the Speirs Directive clearly evidences that police forces across the whole of the UK were ordered not to investigate “any” such allegations of state criminality.
Speirs then directed officers to what they should do, instead of investigate incredibly serious criminal allegations that were lawfully reported to them by the public:
A SID entry [record made in the Police National Computer (PNC)] should be submitted and marked for the attention of Operation Norden, and Operation Talla should be informed via a CVI entry [covid-related encounter]. [. . .] None of the type of behaviour outlined above should be considered as protest activity and could in fact constitute criminal activity. [Emphasis added]
It is ludicrous to suggest that Speirs would have been so bold were he not confident that he had the full backing of the NPCC. In keeping with Operation Talla, Spiers ordered that “none” of the behaviour “outlined above” should be tolerated. This included British citizens “attending at police stations” to “report what they believe to be criminal offences.”
By instructing police officers to merely make a SID/CVI entry, these serious criminal allegations were unjustly recorded by the police as a “non-crime entries.” Simultaneously, police officers were encouraged to view the reporting of such suspected crimes, by the public, as potential “criminal activity.”
There is little doubt what impact Operation Talla had on rank-and-file police officers. From January 2022, at the latest, police officers believed that they should “reject” and not record any reported crimes related to the injections or the government’s covid-19 response and were under clear instruction “not to deal with this matter.”
But Operation Talla has been in force either since January 2020 or March 2020, depending on which version of the state’s account you consider credible.
Flabbergasted by the Spiers Directive exposure, the campaigners, led by former lawyer Ian Clayton, used FOI requests to try to glean more information about Operation Talla from the NPCC. At the time of writing, most of those legally required responses have not been forthcoming and are “long overdue.”
Contradictory Evidence
In the summer of 2023, at the UK government’s Covid-19 Inquiry, then chair of the NPCC, Assistant Commissioner Martin Hewitt, gave testimony. He stated that he had overall lead – Gold Command – of Operation Talla and attested:
[Operation Talla] was established in March 2020, with a formal commencement briefing to all Chiefs on 10 March 2020. […] Operation Talla was run at a national level and had application for all forces in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
Hewitt further testified to the inquiry:
I took the lead for – so I was what we would call the gold commander for Operation Talla. I pulled all the chief constables together in the early – very early March, and had the discussion to say: this is going to require national co-ordination.
It was Martin Hewitt, serving as head of the NPCC, who nominally set up Operation Talla. Seeing as this national level police command operation wasn’t supposedly established until March 2020, it is, as yet, inexplicable why King’s Council, representing the NPCC, Rory Phillips, told the inquiry: “Police Scotland established a formal response to the pandemic at a very early stage, with the setting up of Operation Talla in January 2020.”
It was not Police Scotland that set up Operation Talla, it was the NPCC under Martin Hewitt’s leadership. Police Scotland could not have been acting under Operation Talla in January 2020 if, as Hewitt maintained, the reported “national co-ordination” of police services across the UK didn’t commence until “early March” 2020. The government-appointed Covid-19 Inquiry panel accepted these contradictions without question.
But this anomaly is far from the only reason to conclude that the official story we have been told about Operation Talla is highly dubious.
We are given to believe that the sole focus of Operation Talla was merely “guidance.” Specifically, Operation Talla supposedly “guided” police officers to focus on the “four E’s”: engage with the public, explain the regulations, encourage compliance and enforce the covid-19 regulations if necessary.
The Speirs Directive, confirmed through FOI research to have been issued under Operation Talla, was not “guidance.” It was an order to police officers from a senior commander to reject, meaning refuse to investigate, the most serious crimes imaginable reported to the police by British citizens.
As revealed by Operation Talla operatives at the Covid-19 Inquiry – most notably Hewitt – and as is self-evident from the Speirs Directive, the “four E’s” don’t even start to describe the true purpose of Operation Talla.
Operation Talla Was Not A Police-Led Initiative
In September 2024, AC Martin Hewitt was appointed as the government’s new Border Security Commander. The government says it chose him because of “his ability to bring together policing, law enforcement, intelligence agencies and government bodies.” Apparently, Hewitt has “unique expertise,” and the government says these were “most visibly demonstrated in managing the UK’s response to the covid-19 pandemic, coordinating policing efforts.”
That is to say, Hewitt’s ability to “bring together policing, law enforcement, intelligence agencies and government bodies” was exemplified by his alleged leadership of Operation Talla.
Frankly, though he was then chair of the NPCC, the notion that Hewitt or the NPCC could run Operation Talla without the full approval of the government is ridiculous.
This was openly acknowledged by Hewitt at the Covid-19 Inquiry. He fully disclosed that Operation Talla was not a police-led initiative. It was a state operation from the start. He told the inquiry panel:
[W]e brought Operation Talla together to ensure that we had consistency across the UK in terms of the way police forces were responding. [. . .] [Operation Talla’s] direct link was across into the Home Office team that were working and managing the response within the Home Office. So we developed very close working relationships with them. [. . .] [Operation Talla] worked very, very closely with the teams within the Home Office that were part of the crisis response infrastructure within the Home Office.
Hewitt was asked: “Operation Talla would then maybe feed or raise concerns to the Home Office as to what you were seeing on the ground?”
Hewitt confirmed that Operation Talla transformed the police into an intelligence agency tasked with spying on the public:
[Operation Talla] would do that directly. That was precisely the purpose of the close working [with the Home Office]. [. . .] I was running [Operation Talla] at a national level, but that operation was replicated in each one of the police forces where they themselves had their command and control structure. They would then feed into me at the centre, or my systems at the centre. We would then obviously link directly with the Home Office. [. . .] I would have to feed [intelligence] directly at a ministerial level as we worked through the pandemic.
This is why ACC Speirs told Police Scotland officers that “Operation Talla should be informed via a CVI entry.” These covid-related encounter (“CVI”) reports were then fed by police officers across the UK to the Operation Talla “systems at the centre.”
Clearly, the identities and the activities of the people who questioned the UK government’s covid-19 response were then passed on to government departments and officials, and not just at the Home Office.
Describing the Operation Talla working relationship with the Home Office as “incredibly strong,” Hewitt explained how, as head of Operation Talla, he was also involved in meetings with the Cabinet Office.
The Cabinet Office has executive responsibility for “coordinating the government’s response to crises.” As part of this work, it oversees the National Security Council (“NSC”) and the Joint Intelligence Organisation (“JIO”).
The JIO “leads on intelligence assessment and development of the UK intelligence community’s analytical capability.” Part of its remit is to “apply a national security lens to issues such as [. . .] health security.” Operation Talla brought together “policing, law enforcement, intelligence agencies and government bodies” for the purpose of controlling the British people and protecting the state.
Hewitt explained more:
[T]he interaction very directly with the Home Office was intense, and the teams working for me were pretty much always alongside the equivalent teams of officials in the Home Office. [. . .] [Operation Talla was] closely engaged with both the Home Secretary and the policing minister in a very regular pattern [. . .] to provide advice on the policing implications for whatever the government was choosing to do.
Operation Talla was evidently a national surveillance and containment operation. While using the police to gather and submit CVI reports, thereby identifying dissidents and their activities for the intelligence agencies, it also used policing as an unlawful sociopolitical control mechanism.
Hewitt said:
Everything that came out from the centre [Cabinet Office and the Home Office] went to every force, went to the Operation Talla in every force. Police officers were getting – any updated briefing that was required would happen at the beginning of their shift. [. . .] [Operation Talla] was being put through the normal briefing processes for officers.
Operation Talla was an unlawful and unconstitutional assault on the British people – and ordinary police officers – by the UK state. It was the kind of oppressive secret policing that we usually associate with historical regimes like the East German Stasi.
As pointed out by Thom Aster: “There was no parliamentary mandate, no judicial warrant, and no public consultation.”
There is absolutely nothing to redeem any part Operation Talla.
The Police and the Government Are Not Above the Law
In the UK, we have both a lawful, written codified constitution and a weaker legal uncodified imitation of it. Nevertheless, under both the lawful and the insipid legal alternative, there is one unshakeable principle that defines our supposedly “democratic” society: We are all equal before the law without exception.
Neither the police nor the government are above the law. The concerned citizens who exposed Operation Talla have done the right thing. They have written to the appropriate authorities to raise their constitutional concerns. They have pursued justice as far as they can, all the way to judicial review.
Operation Talla threw our constitutional rights and liberties into the black hole of unbridled state tyranny. British people were denied their right to justice and this was done to protect the state and enable it to continue to assert its unconstitutional and unlawful dictatorship.
None of this has been exposed by the corporate media and it never will, unless it is to deny or misrepresent everything reported here. The MSM serves the state, and people really need to grasp that fact.
We only know about Operation Talla thanks to Moira Brown, Ian Clayton, Mark Sexton and the conscientious team of campaigners and activists who support them. They would not and will not passively allow the UK government to get away with its crimes. And they are evidently crimes.
At every stage and at every turn, politicians, civil servants, the police and the judiciary have denied, obfuscated or simply refused to respond to the British citizens pursuing common law justice. The real Operation Talla is the Achilles’ heel of the entire apparatus of government. We are all equal under the law, and we can hold the state to account.
The concerned citizens’ diligent, painstaking efforts and dogged determination to secure justice are brave, principled and honourable, and stand in stark contrast to the deplorable conduct of the state. They deserve our support as they continue to try to alert all of us to what Operation Talla proves: the British government is unconstitutional and unlawful.
We all deserve better.
This struggle is not over; it has only just begun. But it is appropriate to leave the last words in this article to Ian Clayton:
The path upon which we are all now walking, side by side, government and governed alike, is dangerously fragile. Institutions may believe they can exempt themselves from scrutiny, or bend principles to their own convenience. Citizens may believe they can simply endure, hoping that impropriety will correct itself. But both positions are unsustainable.
The truth is unalterable: we are all one, all equal. No court, no regulator, no office of state can alter the fundamental fact of our equality as a species.
When institutions pretend otherwise, they do not elevate themselves; they corrode the very ground upon which they too must stand. If the rule of law is mocked, it is mocked for all. If accountability collapses, it collapses for all. If trust in institutions is destroyed, those institutions will find they are no longer believed, no longer obeyed, no longer capable of command.
Even courts, when stripped of the public’s confidence, are rendered powerless in real-world terms.
We warn, therefore, that the integrity of the constitution is not a matter of academic concern. It is the condition upon which our shared life depends. And it is failing, here and now. If this trajectory is not reversed, we face not merely institutional scandal, but the dissolution of the bond between people and state.
That dissolution will leave no one untouched.
About the Author
Iain Davis is an autodidact, a journalist, an author and a researcher. He is the creator of the blog IainDavis.com, formerly known as ‘In This Together’. He publishes articles on his Substack page, Unlimited Hangout, Geopolitics & Empire, Bitcoin Magazine and other outlets.
Featured image: Ministry of Defence Police staff receive an Operation Talla Award for Governance and Coordination. Source: UK Government
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Civil service communist coup has completed in UKSSR. You are a slave.
I never masked, never distanced, did not use hand washing stations, never jabbed. Questioned doctors. Challenged nurses. Made calls. Sent reports of deaths by jab to Sussex Police. Informed policemen in the street to their faces. Always ridiculed the screens, the masks, the stupid rules. Ignored arrows on the floor, ignored the stand here footprints. Rose to any challenges from covidiots…stuck to my guns at all times. Out in public my friends and I still bring up the stupidity of the sheep. Our council put tape and notices on benches to stop people sitting on them. They didn’t last long. Signs had stickers mysteriously appear on them..like HOAX…never forget. Never forgive.
Hi Rhoda,
You have got a right story here, keep it going.
This is the first time I have heard of Operation Talla.
No point in asking my MP Ed Miliband about it, he never replies to any of my emails.
I was in hospital at the start, spent a lot of time explaining to doctors, that there was no such thing as Covid 19, and that it was just Flu. They had been blinded by Scientism, and did as they were told.
Hi Dave Owen, thank you. I had started an article on Operation Talla one-two weeks ago but it still needed a lot of work and I couldn’t seem to find the time to finish it – so I was glad to find that Iain Davis had written one.
There is a video by ex policeman Mark Sexton called Operation Talla on Tess Lawries website (she started the World Council for Health).
I`m sure most people in this game would be aware of both of these people.
I submitted a FOIR to Dorset Police at the beginning of December, asking them for the names of anyone who served as Gold, Silver or Bronze commanders for Op. Talla. I also asked for a copy of the instructions on which they were to act. Still waiting for a response.