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The biraderi network is protecting Muslim rape gang perpetrators in the UK

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Last year, three of the most politically connected British-Pakistani figures in the UK headlined a roadshow in Manchester to launch WAADA, a Dubai property scheme for British-Pakistanis – a scheme that just days before Pakistan’s government had warned investors that any involvement in it would risk criminal proceedings.

The scheme is an initiative of Bahria Town, an Islamabad-based real-estate development company run by Riaz Hussain and his son Ali Riaz Malik – who are both banned from Britain and are wanted in Pakistan. And, at the time, Bahria Town’s head of global sales, Shahid Mahmood Qureshi, had an active arrest warrant in Pakistan.

Bahria Town was built using the biraderi network, which comprises networks and clans of people of Pakistani heritage.

The UK WAADA roadshow boasted of their distinguished guest Baron Nazir Ahmed, a convicted child sex offender in Rotherham who, at the time, had been in prison just eleven months before.

Afzal Khan, the Labour MP for Rusholme and former government minister, and Councillor Shaukat Ali, the Deputy Lord Mayor of Manchester City Council, attended and proudly promoted the roadshow’s event in Manchester.  Ayoub Khan, the independent MP for Birmingham Perry Barr, attended the West Midlands event.

“The biraderi not only promotes [Pakistani] property [purchases in the UK]; it protects rape gang perpetrators,” Raja Miah writes.

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In the following article, Raja Miah demonstrates the political clout that the biraderi holds in the UK, and its connection to organised crime, including voter fraud and Muslim rape gangs.

Biraderi (also spelt Baradari or Birādrī) is an Urdu term meaning “brotherhood” that refers to patriarchal, hierarchical kinship networks and clans among South Asian Muslims, particularly in Pakistan and the UK.

Originating from the Persian word Baradar (brother), these groups function based on bloodlines, occupation and place of origin, often mirroring the caste system with social rankings between “higher” and “lower” biraderi groups.

Biraderi networks are a dominant force in political and social life, where elders often control bloc voting and candidate selection based on clan allegiance rather than merit.  In the UK, particularly in cities like Bradford, biraderi networks have influenced elections and community dynamics.

Further reading:

Pakistani Untouchables: Inside Britain’s Biraderi Clans

By Raja Miah, 5 April 2026

Table of Contents

Introduction

Baron Nazir Ahmed of Rotherham walked into the Royal Nawaab in Stockport last June as a distinguished guest. He had been out of prison for less than a year.

Convicted in January 2022 of attempting to rape a girl aged four or five and sexually assaulting a boy aged nine or ten, both in Rotherham in the 1970s, Ahmed was one of three brothers found to have committed the abuse. His two older brothers, Mohammed Farouq and Mohammed Tariq, were deemed unfit to stand trial but a jury found they had committed the acts alleged. He alone was convicted. He still holds his title because stripping a life peerage requires an act of Parliament, and the Labour government has not brought one forward.

Standing beside him were Afzal Khan, the Labour Member of Parliament (“MP”) for Rusholme, and Councillor Shaukat Ali, the Deputy Lord Mayor of Manchester City Council. We know this because BT Properties published its own promotional account of the evening on its website and named all three. The page remains live.

The event was the UK launch of ‘WAADA’, a Dubai property scheme run by Malik Riaz Hussain and his son Ali Riaz Malik. The National Crime Agency had already forced the pair to forfeit £190 million. The Court of Appeal confirmed in 2021 that they were involved in corruption and financial crime serious enough to ban them from British soil.

Pakistan’s government had warned investors the week before that putting money into WAADA risked criminal proceedings. The scheme’s head of global sales, Shahid Mahmood Qureshi, was present in the room with an active arrest warrant in Pakistan that evening, having failed to answer multiple court summons.

The unexplained wealth orders applied to Malik and Ali were the same instruments used against Russian oligarchs. The National Crime Agency (“NCA”) froze eight of their British bank accounts and forced the sale of a £50 million London property with a cinema, steam room and spa. At the time, it was the largest settlement under the Criminal Finances Act 2017. Lady Justice Nicola Davies, upholding the decision to ban them from Britain, said their exclusion was conducive to the public good due to their conduct, character and associations.

The NCA sent the £190 million back to Pakistan. It did not stay in the treasury. Imran Khan, then prime minister, was accused of allowing it to be used to pay off Malik and Ali’s debts in exchange for a bribe of 20 hectares of land and millions of rupees for him and his wife. He was sentenced to 14 years in prison and has been detained since August 2023. The money extracted by British law enforcement from two men banned from Britain was seemingly stolen by the head of state of the country to which it was returned to.

The WAADA Manchester real estate roadshow (“the Roadshow”) was built around these men.

The Times reported three MPs at the Roadshow. It missed the convicted child sex offender Baron and the Deputy Lord Mayor of Manchester. It also missed countless other biraderi politicians and public officials in key UK organisations.

What the Brochure Did Not Say

For many in Britain’s Mirpuri communities,[1] Dubai is not a foreign country. It is the next stop. Weddings are held there. Businesses are registered there. Money that has done well in Bradford or Oldham or Rochdale goes there to be seen. The skyline is familiar from social media before anyone has set foot in it. For a generation that made the journey from Azad Kashmir to the mill towns of northern England, Dubai represents the completion of something. A visible success in a jurisdiction that is Muslim, wealthy and warm.

WAADA understood this. The Roadshow was not selling property. It was selling arrival. Flats starting at £135,000 in a development named after the Urdu word for “promise” were marketed through the community figures those same communities had placed in Parliament and on city councils, projected onto screens in hotel ballrooms in Manchester, Birmingham and London.

The pitch was cultural as much as financial. This is where your people are going. This is where you are expected next.

The brochures left out Dubai’s other reputation, the one that does not appear in promotional videos set to classical music. British law enforcement has tracked the movement of carousel fraud proceeds and laundered assets to the United Arab Emirates (“UAE”) for years.

From the UK to Dubai On the trail of the fraud of the century The Bureau of Investigative Journalism 9 June 2019

It is the jurisdiction where British-Pakistani organised crime figures have placed themselves beyond extradition’s reach. Low taxation, weak transparency obligations and limited cooperation with UK authorities make it the destination where money goes when it cannot stay in Britain. Men wanted for questioning in this country have built comfortable lives there. Assets that could not survive scrutiny here have been registered, invested and laundered there.

Malik Riaz Hussain and his son Ali Riaz Malik are banned from Britain and are wanted in Pakistan. They are not hiding in Dubai. They are building a mini-city there, selling it to the British-Pakistani diaspora through its own political leadership, and calling it a promise.

The MPs Who Showed Up

Afzal Khan walked in at the front of a ceremonial procession and gave interviews in Urdu and English praising the development. He has since said he did not address the room, did not endorse the company and did not promote the project. The Times reported the footage of him doing all three.

Ayoub Khan, the independent MP for Birmingham Perry Barr, attended the West Midlands event at the Hyatt Regency. Born in Ratta, Azad Kashmir, he had months earlier spoken at the Mirpur Airport Demand Grand Conference in Birmingham, the same biraderi infrastructure on a different occasion, where he told attendees that the rape gang scandal was a narrative “done in order to sow division.”

At the Hyatt, he described those behind WAADA as having a track record, referenced his standing as a barrister and an MP, and expressed enthusiasm for visiting Dubai to meet the key stakeholders.

He has since said he had no prior knowledge of any impropriety associated with the project’s owners and did not know who they were: “At the time of attending, and until your inquiry, I had no prior knowledge of any historical impropriety associated with the project’s owners, nor did I know who they were.”

The owners were on a screen in the room. Their names were on the promotional material. Their company had been the subject of the largest unexplained wealth order settlement in British legal history. Pakistan’s government had issued a public warning about the scheme days before he arrived. Even Imran Khan had been imprisoned because of his associations with these men. But it seems that Ayoub Khan was unaware of who he was rubbing shoulders with.

Naz Shah represents Bradford West. She travelled to a gala in Mayfair, a short walk from the £50 million London property the NCA had already seized from the same family, to praise a company whose principals are banned from the country she was standing in. Her office says she attends many events related to her constituents’ Pakistani heritage, and this was one of those events. In Mayfair and not Manningham.

All three were photographed, quoted and inserted into promotional videos. Their faces ran alongside slogans about trust. Their words were used to reassure ordinary British-Pakistanis considering parting with savings starting at £135,000.

The Network That Runs Everything

The biraderi is a kinship and reciprocity system rooted in the clan structures of Mirpur and Azad Kashmir, transplanted into British cities across four generations. It decides who stands for the council and who wins the contract. It decides who gets the call when a favour is needed. Attendance is the currency. Nobody orders anyone to show up. The ask is understood – so are the consequences for non-compliance.

It also runs elections. The postal vote harvesting and clan voting documented across the country is the same system in its electoral form. Households vote as units. Votes are delivered in blocks. The network that decides who attends a property roadshow decides who the candidates are and where the votes go. The occasion changes. The mechanism does not.

Malik Riaz Hussain built Bahria Town inside exactly this structure, scaled to the Pakistani military and political establishment. The WAADA Roadshow brought that system to Manchester, Birmingham and London.

The Convict in the Room

The biraderi absorbs the damage when the British state convicts its people. It waits out the sentence and reintegrates.

Ahmed raped children in Rotherham. He served his sentence. He retained his title. He walked back into community life, and the network put him in a room with the global sales director of a property empire the NCA had stripped of £190 million – whose principals the Court of Appeal confirmed were involved in corruption and financial crime serious enough to ban them from British soil – and described him as a distinguished guest. Manchester’s Deputy Lord Mayor was there too.

The British state had formally identified three categories of persons as unfit for public life. Two of them shared the room. The third, Malik and Ali, banned from British soil and wanted in Pakistan, appeared on large screens instead, delivering messages about uplifting communities while their wanted sales director worked the floor below.

The promotional webpage naming them all together remains live. The biraderi does not recognise the state’s categories. It has never needed to.

Ahmed’s victims are from Rotherham. The rape gangs that operated there for decades were the product of the same community power structures that protected the powerful and abandoned the vulnerable. His conviction belongs inside that history. So does the protection of just under 100 taxi drivers implicated in Manchester’s rape gang cover-up. So does the suppression of over 700 victims in Birmingham, documented since 1991 and buried for over three decades.

The biraderi not only promotes property; it protects rape gang perpetrators.

The Defences Do Not Hold

The ignorance claim is the weakest defence available, and all three MPs reached for it. Naz Shah has represented Bradford West since 2015. Afzal Khan has been embedded in Greater Manchester’s British-Pakistani political infrastructure for three decades. Ayoub Khan built his entire political career through the same Mirpuri community networks that WAADA was explicitly designed to target.

Pakistan’s government had issued a public warning about the scheme days before all three appeared. Three of the most politically connected British-Pakistani figures in the country headlined a roadshow for a scheme Pakistan’s government had publicly warned against. Their ignorance defence is staggering.

In any case, it does not account for what Afzal Khan, a former government minister, was doing walking in at the front of a ceremonial procession into a room that also contained Baron Nazir Ahmed of Rotherham, a convicted child sex offender eleven months out of prison. Khan gave interviews. Ahmed was listed as a distinguished guest. The Deputy Lord Mayor of Manchester was there. The scheme’s global sales head, Shahid Mahmood Qureshi, worked the room with an active arrest warrant in Pakistan. Nobody left.

The NCA spent years pursuing Malik and Ali and extracted £190 million. British public figures then handed the same men’s next venture a legitimacy tour across three cities, and no government minister dares question what took place. Just as with the rape gangs, we all know the reason why.

Ahmed walked out of prison and into that room. The biraderi had saved him a seat.

The question is how many more seats do the biraderi control. And if you have the courage to ask it, why will Keir Starmer and a Labour Party reliant on its biraderi bloc vote not sack a single one of them?

Now do you see why the rape gangs were protected? Now can you see just how powerful these people are?

We are not where we are by accident. We will not get where we need to be if we leave it to those who were part of the cover-up to deliver justice. Stand with me.

About the Author

In his own words.

I’m Raja Miah MBE. For seven years, I led a campaign that exposed how senior Labour politicians helped protect Pakistani rape gangs. The people of my town helped force the national inquiry.

You won’t see me on the BBC. You won’t read my work in the legacy press. That’s not an accident. I take this to a place from where there is no coming back. Children were sold for votes.

My work is free. No paywalls. No gatekeeping. No exclusions. Because the truth shouldn’t belong only to those who can afford it. I document everything in my Substack. It’s 100% free to read. If this work matters to you, if you believe it must continue, I need your backing.

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Further reading from The Forsaken (Raja Miah’s Substack page):

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author avatar
Rhoda Wilson
While previously it was a hobby culminating in writing articles for Wikipedia (until things made a drastic and undeniable turn in 2020) and a few books for private consumption, since March 2020 I have become a full-time researcher and writer in reaction to the global takeover that came into full view with the introduction of covid-19. For most of my life, I have tried to raise awareness that a small group of people planned to take over the world for their own benefit. There was no way I was going to sit back quietly and simply let them do it once they made their final move.

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